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"A Total Rollback Of Everything This Country Has Stood For": Sen. Patrick Leahy Blasts Congressional Approval of Detainee Bill
09/29/2006
Democracy Now
The Senate has agreed to give President Bush extraordinary power to
detain and try prisoners in the so-called war on terror. The
legislation strips detainees of the right to challenge their own
detention and gives the President the power to detain them
indefinitely. The bill also immunizes U.S. officials from prosecution
for torturing detainees who the military and the CIA captured before
the end of last year. We get reaction from Senator Patrick Leahy
(D-Vt.) and Michael Ratner of the Center for Constitutional Rights.
[includes rush transcript]
On Capitol Hill, the Senate has agreed to give President Bush
extraordinary power to detain and try prisoners in the so-called war on
terror. The editors of the New York Times described the law as
tyrannical. They said its passage marks a low point in American
democracy and that it is our generation’s version of the Alien and
Sedition Acts. The legislation strips detainees of the right to file
habeas corpus petitions to challenge their own detention or treatment.
It gives the president the power to indefinitely detain anyone it deems
to have provided material support to anti-U.S. hostilities. Secret and
coerced evidence could be used to try detainees held in U.S. military
prisons. The bill also immunizes U.S. officials from prosecution for
torturing detainees who the military and the CIA captured before the
end of last year. The Senate passed the measure sixty five to thirty four. Twelve
Democrats joined the Republican majority. The House passed virtually
the same legislation on Wednesday. Legal groups, including the Center
for Constitutional Rights, are already preparing to challenge the
constitutionality of the law in court. - Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.). Ranking member on the Senate Judiciary Committee. See Senator Leahy’s statement on the detainee bill here.
- Michael Ratner. President of the Center for Constitutional Rights.
RUSH TRANSCRIPT
AMY GOODMAN: On Thursday, Democratic Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont condemned the legislation from the floor of the Senate.
SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: It grieves me to think that three
decades in this body that I stand here in the Senate, knowing that
we’re thinking of doing this. It is so wrong. It is unconstitutional.
It is un-American. It is designed to ensure the Bush-Cheney
administration will never again be embarrassed by a United States
Supreme Court decision reviewing its unlawful abuses of power. The
Supreme Court said, ‘You abused your power.’ He said, ‘Ha, we’ll fix
that. We have a rubber stamp, a rubber stamp, Congress, that will just
set that aside and give us power that nobody, no king or anybody else
set foot in this land, ever thought of having.’
AMY GOODMAN: Democratic Senator Patrick Leahy speaking Thursday prior to the vote. He joins us now on the telephone. Welcome to Democracy Now!
SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: Thank you. It’s good to be with you.
AMY GOODMAN: It’s good to have you with us, Senator. Now,
if you could explain exactly what this bill that the Senate has just
approved with a number of Democrats joining with the Republicans, what
exactly it does. SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: First off, as you probably gathered
from what I was saying on the floor, it’s a terrible bill. It removes
as many checks and balances as possible so that any president can
basically set the law, determine what laws they’ll follow and what laws
they’ll break and not have anybody be able to question them on it. In this case, the particular section I was speaking about at that point was the so-called habeas protection. Now, habeas corpus
was first brought in the Magna Carta in the 1200s. It’s been a tenet of
our rights as Americans. And what they're saying is that if you’re an
alien, even if you’re in the United States legally, a legal alien, may
have been here ten years, fifteen years, twenty years legally, if a
determination is made by anybody in the executive that you may be a
threat, they can hold you indefinitely, they could put you in
Guantanamo, not bring any charges, not allow you to have a lawyer, not
allow you to ever question what they’ve done, even in cases, as they
now acknowledge, where they have large numbers of people in Guantanamo
who are there by mistake, that they put you -- say you’re a college
professor who has written on Islam or for whatever reason, and they
lock you up. You’re not even allowed to question it. You’re not allowed
to have a lawyer, not allowed to say, “Wait a minute, you’ve got the
wrong person. Or you’ve got -- the one you’re looking for, their name
is spelled similar to mine, but it’s not me.” It makes no difference.
You have no recourse whatsoever. This goes so much against everything we've ever done. Now,
we’ve had some on the other side say, ‘Well, they're trying to give
rights to terrorists.’ No, we’re just saying that the United States
will follow the rules it has before and will protect rights of people.
We’re not giving any new rights. We’re just saying that if, for
example, if you picked up the wrong person, you at least have a chance
to get somebody independent to make that judgment. AMY GOODMAN: Senator Leahy, on this issue of habeas corpus,
I want to play a clip from yesterday’s Senate debate and have you
respond. This is Republican Senator Jeff Sessions of Alabama. SEN. JEFF SESSIONS: It was never, ever, ever, ever
intended or imagined that during the War of 1812, that it British
soldiers were captured burning of the Capitol of the United States, as
they did, that they would have been given habeas corpus rights. It was never thought to be. habeas corpus was applied to citizens, really, at that time, and I believe that that’s so plain as to be without dispute.
AMY GOODMAN: Republican Senator Jeff Sessions. Senator Leahy, your response.
SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: Well, I wish it was as plain as he says. Of course, in the Hamdan
decision, the U.S. Supreme Court has made it very clear that it is
available in somebody captured. In a case like what he was talking
about, if somebody had been captured there and held in prison, and they
said, “You have the wrong person,” they could at least raise it. And
you also have, of course, under the Constitution, that habeas
can be suspended if there is an invasion, if there is an insurrection.
We have neither case here. Even the most conservative Republican legal
thinkers have said this is not a case to suspend habeas corpus.
You know, they can set up all the straw men they want, but the
fact is this allows the Bush administration to act totally arbitrarily
with no court or anybody else to raise any questions about it. It
allows them to cover up any mistakes they make. And this goes beyond
just marking everything “secret,” as they do now. Every mistake they
make, they just mark it “secret.” But this is even worse. This means
somebody could be locked up for five years, ten years, fifteen years,
twenty years. They have the wrong person, and they have no rights to be
able to say, “Hey guys, you’ve got the wrong person.” It goes against
everything that we’ve done as Americans. You know, when things like this were done during the Cold War
in some of the Iron Curtain countries, I remember all the speeches on
the Senate floor, Democrats and Republicans alike saying, “How horrible
this is! Thank God we don’t do things like this in America.” I wish
they’d go back and listen to some of their speeches at that time. AMY GOODMAN: Senator Leahy, this was not a close vote:
65 to 34. The twelve Democrats who joined with the Republicans, except
for Senator Chafee of Rhode Island, the twelve Democrats are Tom Carper
of Delaware, Tim Johnson of South Dakota, Mary Landrieu of Louisiana,
Frank Lautenberg of New Jersey, as well as Senator Menendez of New
Jersey, Bill Nelson of Florida, Ben Nelson of Nebraska, Senator Pryor
of Arkansas, Jay Rockefeller of West Virginia, Ken Salazar of Colorado,
Debbie Stabenow of Michigan and Joseph Lieberman of Connecticut. They
joined with the Republicans. You are working very hard to get a
Democratic majority in the Senate in these next elections and in
Congress overall. What difference would it make?
SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: In their defense, all but one of them voted with me when we moved to strike the habeas
provisions out. That was the Specter-Leahy amendment, and we had, I
think it was, 51-48, I think, was the final vote on that. All but one
of the Democrats joined with me on that. If we had gotten three or four
more Republicans, we would have at least struck out the habeas provision. There are -- you know, I --
AMY GOODMAN: But they voted for this bill without that, with the habeas provision being stripped out.
SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: I’ll let each one speak for
themselves. The fact that the Republicans were virtually lockstep in
it, though, should be what I would look at. And maybe we’re blessed in
Vermont --
AMY GOODMAN: But that larger question, that larger question of, what would be any different if Democrats were in power?
SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: For one thing, we would have been
asking the questions about what’s been going on for six years. We’ve
had a rubberstamp congress that automatically has given the President
anything he wants, because nobody’s asked questions. Nobody’s asked the
questions that are in the Woodward book that’s coming out this weekend,
where you find all the mistakes were made because they will acknowledge
no mistakes. The Republicans control both the House and the Senate.
They will not call hearings. They won’t try to find out how did
Halliburton walk off with billions of dollars in cost overruns in Iraq.
Why did the Bush administration refuse to send the body armor our
troops needed in Iraq? Why did they send inferior material? And, of course, the two questions that the Congress would not
ask, because the Republicans won’t allow it, is, why did 9/11 happen on
George Bush's watch when he had clear warnings that it was going to
happen? Why did they allow it to happen? And secondly, when they had
Osama bin Laden cornered, why didn’t they get him? Had there been an
independent congress, one that could ask questions, these questions
would have been asked years ago. We’d be much better off. We would have
had the answers to that. I think with those answers, we would not have
the fiasco we have in Iraq today, we would have caught Osama bin Laden,
Afghanistan would be a more stable place, and the world would be safer.
AMY GOODMAN: Was President Bush on Capitol Hill yesterday?
SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: Oh, yes, indeed. You can always tell,
because virtually the whole city comes to a screeching halt with the
motorcades, although it’s sort of like that when Dick Cheney comes up
to give orders to the Republican Caucus. He comes up with a 15 to 25
vehicle caravan. It’s amazing to watch. AMY GOODMAN: And what was Bush doing yesterday on Capitol Hill?
SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: Oh, he was just telling them they had
to vote this way. They had to vote. They couldn’t hand him a defeat.
They had to go with him They had to trust him. It’ll get us past the
election. We had offered a -- you know, five years ago, I and others
had suggested there is a way to have military tribunals for the
detainees, where it would meet all our standards and basic
international standards. They rejected that. And now, five weeks before
the elections, they say, ‘Oh, yes, we need something like that.’ No,
basically what he was saying to them, don’t ask questions, get us past
the elections, because if you ask questions, the answers are going to
be embarrassing, and it could hurt you in the elections. AMY GOODMAN: Senator Leahy, we have to break for one
minute. We ask you to stay with us. We’ll also be joined by CCR
president, Center for Constitutional Rights president, Michael Ratner.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: Our guests are Vermont Democratic Senator
Patrick Leahy and Michael Ratner of the Center for Constitutional
Rights. He is president there. Michael Ratner, your response, as we
speak with the senator about this groundbreaking legislation? MICHAEL RATNER: Well, I think Senator Leahy really got
it right. I mean, what this bill authorizes is really the authority of
an authoritarian despot to the president. I mean, what it gives him is
the power, as the senator said, to detain any person anywhere in the
world, citizen or non-citizen, whether living in the United States or
anywhere else. I mean, what kind of authority is that? No checks and
balances. Nothing. Now, if you’re a citizen, you still get your right
of habeas corpus. If you’re a non-citizen, as the senator
pointed out, you’re completely finished. Picked up, legal permanent
resident in the United States, detained forever, no writ of habeas corpus.
It was incredibly shocking. I watched that vote yesterday. I had
been in Washington for two or three days trying to line up the votes
for Senator Leahy’s amendment that would have restored habeas.
We thought we had them. We lost at 51 to 48. I have to tell you, Amy, I
just -- I basically broke down at that point. I had been working like a
dog on this thing. And there I saw the President come to Capitol Hill
and persuade two or three or four of the Republicans who we thought we
had to vote to strip habeas corpus from this legislation. It was a shock. I mean, an utter shock.
So you have this ability to detain anyone anywhere in the world. You deny them the writ of habeas corpus.
And when they're in detention, you have a right to do all kinds of
coercive techniques on them: hooding, stripping, anything really the
president says goes, short of what he defines as torture. And then, if
you are lucky enough to be tried, and I say “lucky enough,” because,
for example, the 460 people the Center represents at Guantanamo may
never get trials. In fact, only ten have even been charged. Those
people, they’ve been stripped of their right to go to court and test
their detention by habeas corpus. They’re just -- they’ve been there five years. Right now, under this legislation, they could be there forever.
Let me tell you, this bill will be struck down and struck down
badly. But meanwhile, for two more years or whatever it’s going to take
us to litigate it, we’re going to be litigating what was a basic right,
as the senator said, since the Magna Carta of 1215, the right of any
human being to test their detention in court. It’s one of the saddest
days I’ve seen. You’ve called it “groundbreaking,” Amy. It’s really
Constitution-breaking. It’s Constitution-shattering. It shatters really
basic rights that we've had for a very long time. AMY GOODMAN: Senator Leahy, how long have you been a senator?
SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: I’ve been there 32 years. I have to
absolutely agree with what I just heard. I mean, this is -- it’s Kafka.
But it’s more than that. It’s just a total rollback of everything this
country has stood for. I mean, you have 100 people, very privileged,
members of the Senate voting this way and with no realization of what
it would be like if you were the one who was picked up. Maybe you’re
guilty, but quite often, as we’ve seen, purely by accident and then
held for years. You know, I was a prosecutor for eight years. I prosecuted an
awful lot of people, sent a lot of people to prison. But I did it
arguing that everybody's rights had to be protected, because mistakes
are often made. You want to make sure that if you’re prosecuting
somebody, you’re prosecuting the right person. Here, they don't care
whether mistakes are made or not. And you have to stand up. I mean, it was a Vermonter -- you go
way back in history -- it was a Vermonter who stood up against the
Alien and Sedition Act, Matthew Lyon. He was prosecuted on that, put in
jail, as a congressman, put in jail. And Vermont showed what they
thought of these unconstitutional laws. We in Vermont reelected him,
and eventually the laws fell down. There was another Vermonter, Ralph
Flanders, who stood up to Joseph McCarthy and his reign of fear and
stopped that. I mean, you have to stand. What has happened, here we
are, a great powerful good nation, and we’re running scared. We’re
willing to set aside all our values and running scared. What an example
that is to the rest of the world. AMY GOODMAN: You gave an example, Senator Leahy, when you talked about what would happen here. And, I mean, even the fact that “habeas corpus” is in Latin, I think, distances people. They don’t quite understand what this is about.
SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: “Bring the body.”
AMY GOODMAN: You gave a very -- sorry?
SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: “Bring the body.”
AMY GOODMAN: You gave a very graphic example. You said,
“Imagine you’re a law-abiding lawful permanent resident. In your spare
time you do charitable fundraising for international relief agencies
that lend a hand in disasters.” Take that story from there, the example
you used.
SEN. PATRICK LEAHY: You send money. You don’t care which
particular religious group or civic group it is. They’re doing
humanitarian work. You send the money. It turns out that one of them is
giving money to various Islamic causes that the United States is
concerned about. They come to your house. Maybe somebody has called
into one of these anonymous tipster lines, saying, “You know, this Amy
Goodman. I’m somewhat worried about her, simply because she’s going --
and I think I’ve seen some Muslim-looking people coming to her house.”
They come in there, and they say, “We want to talk to you.” They bring
you downtown. You’re a legal alien, legal resident here. And you say,
“Well, look, I’ve got my rights. I’d like to talk to a lawyer.” They
say, “No, no. You don’t have any rights.” “Well, then I’m not going to
talk to you.” “Well, then now we’re twice as concerned about you. We’re
going to spirit you down to Guantanamo, and we’ll get back to in a few
years.” And, I mean, that could actually happen under this. And these
are not far-fetched ideas, as the professor knows. He’s seen similar
things. And with that, and I would love to continue this conversation,
unfortunately I’ve got to go back to my day job, back to the judiciary.
I think this is going to go down as one of those black marks in the
Congress. You know, I wasn’t there at the time, but virtually everybody
voted for the Tonkin Gulf resolution. When I came to the Senate, you
couldn’t find anybody there who thought that was a good idea. They knew
it was a terrible mistake. You had members of congress supported the
internment of the Japanese Americans during World War II. Everybody
knows that was a terrible mistake now. That day will come when
everybody will look at this and say, “What were we thinking?” AMY GOODMAN: Patrick Leahy, thanks very much for
joining us. We only have about 30 seconds. Michael Ratner, president of
Center for Constitutional Rights, your final comment on this. MICHAEL RATNER: This was really, as the senator said,
probably the worst piece of legislation I’ve seen in my 40-year career
as a lawyer. The idea, and even the example Senator Leahy gave, of
someone being picked up, you don’t need anything. The President can
decide tomorrow that you, Amy, or me, or particularly a non-citizen,
can be picked up, put in jail forever, essentially, and if you're a
non-citizen in Guantanamo or anywhere else in the world, you never get
a chance to go to court to test your detention. It’s an incredible
thing, and any senator who voted for this, in my view, is essentially
guilty, guilty, guilty of undermining basic fundamental rights and may
well be guilty of war crimes, as well. AMY GOODMAN: Michael Ratner, thanks very much for joining us, president of the Center for Constitutional Rights.
Link to transcript
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